Research · 2 August 2026

Rent Controls in England: What Is Actually Proposed

Rent controls flared up as an argument the moment the new prime minister took office, then cooled almost as fast. Andy Burnham entered Downing Street in July without ruling out rent measures for England, and early coverage described options ranging from national caps to devolved powers for mayors. Within days, the Financial Times and the i newspaper reported Burnham’s own allies discounting a rent freeze, and the housing secretary told BBC Breakfast that rent controls were not “a way forward at the moment”. Nothing has been published, consulted on or drafted in either direction.

That gap between noise and law is exactly where investors lose money in both directions, so here is the position as of 2 August 2026: what has been said, what the Scottish experiment actually produced, and how to underwrite the risk without panicking.

What has actually been said

The factual record is thin and worth stating precisely. The government has confirmed nothing beyond an initial willingness to look at rent measures, a position its own housing secretary has since publicly downplayed. There is no bill, no consultation paper and no stated design in either direction. Reported options included caps on in-tenancy increases and handing mayors the power to designate controlled areas, and tenant groups are campaigning hard for both, with one widely reported SpareRoom survey of just over 5,600 tenants finding around eight in ten in favour.

Treat anyone who tells you controls are coming next year, and anyone who tells you they are impossible, with the same suspicion. Both are selling certainty that does not exist.

Scotland already ran the experiment

England does not need to speculate about what a cap does, because Scotland ran one. The Cost of Living (Tenant Protection) (Scotland) Act 2022 limited in-tenancy increases, latterly to 3% in most cases, and expired on 31 March 2024. A transitional adjudication scheme tapered increases for a further year and ended on 31 March 2025.

The consistent finding from that period is that capping rents inside tenancies pushed the adjustment to the gap between tenancies. Zoopla’s rental index, a property portal dataset rather than an official statistic, showed Scotland’s advertised rents rising 12.9% in the year to late 2023, against a 9.7% UK average and 9.0% in London, as landlords priced the annual cap in at the point of re-letting. Propertymark, the letting agents’ trade body that campaigned against the cap throughout, reported the same pattern from its members. Controls changed where rent growth happened more than whether it happened, and the Scottish Government’s own reports to Parliament recorded the sector’s landlord-exit concerns while keeping the scheme in place.

Rent control areas are law in Scotland

The sequel is on the statute book. The Housing (Scotland) Act 2025 creates rent control areas: councils must assess local rent conditions and report by 31 May 2027, and ministers can then designate areas where increases are limited by a formula reported as CPI plus 1%, capped at 6%. Commentary puts the earliest working designations around 2027 to 2028.

That two-stage design, evidence first, designation second, is the most likely template if England moves at all, and it is a slow one. It is also devolution-shaped, which fits the reported instinct to hand powers to mayors rather than set one national number.

What controls do to investment maths

In-tenancy caps compress reversionary upside: the below-market rent you planned to correct becomes a rent you keep. Pricing shifts from achievable rent to in-place rent, long tenancies become a liability rather than a comfort, and yield-driven buyers demand a discount for the lost growth. Scotland’s cap years make a workable stress test: assume increases limited to low single digits inside tenancies and see whether the deal still clears your hurdle.

Note which income the argument does not touch. Rent-setting rules of this kind bite on assured tenancies. Income that runs through commercial leases, including the FRI structures behind much supported living stock, is set by the lease, not by residential rent rules, which is one reason lease-backed assets price differently in policy storms.

The signals to watch

Three markers separate noise from action: a published consultation, a bill in the King’s Speech, and any devolution settlement that names rent powers for mayors. Until at least one exists, rent control in England is a pricing risk, not a law. If one ever does, the Scottish timetable says you would still have years, not weeks, before a cap bites.

What this means for property investors

Do not sell good assets because of a headline, and do not buy thin deals on the assumption the headline dies. Underwrite new purchases so they work on in-place rents with low single-digit growth, favour stock and structures whose income does not depend on aggressive in-tenancy increases, and treat reversionary plays as needing a bigger margin than they did in June. Our notes on the rental supply squeeze explain why any cap would arrive into an already tight market, which is the strongest argument that designs will be cautious.

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